Crito - 5
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Cr. You may proceed, for I have not changed my mind.
Soc. Then I will proceed to the next step, which may be put in the
form of a question: Ought a man to do what he admits to be right, or
ought he to betray the right?
Cr. He ought to do what he thinks right.
Soc. But if this is true, what is the application? In leaving the
prison against the will of the Athenians, do I wrong any? or rather do
I not wrong those whom I ought least to wrong? Do I not desert the
principles which were acknowledged by us to be just? What do you say?
Cr. I cannot tell, Socrates, for I do not know.
Soc. Then consider the matter in this way: Imagine that I am about
to play truant (you may call the proceeding by any name which you
like), and the laws and the government come and interrogate me:
"Tell us, Socrates," they say; "what are you about? are you going by
an act of yours to overturn us- the laws and the whole State, as far
as in you lies? Do you imagine that a State can subsist and not be
overthrown, in which the decisions of law have no power, but are set
aside and overthrown by individuals?" What will be our answer,
Crito, to these and the like words? Anyone, and especially a clever
rhetorician, will have a good deal to urge about the evil of setting
aside the law which requires a sentence to be carried out; and we
might reply, "Yes; but the State has injured us and given an unjust
sentence." Suppose I say that?
Cr. Very good, Socrates.
Soc. "And was that our agreement with you?" the law would sar, "or
were you to abide by the sentence of the State?" And if I were to
express astonishment at their saying this, the law would probably add:
"Answer, Socrates, instead of opening your eyes: you are in the
habit of asking and answering questions. Tell us what complaint you
have to make against us which justifies you in attempting to destroy
us and the State? In the first place did we not bring you into
existence? Your father married your mother by our aid and begat you.
Say whether you have any objection to urge against those of us who
regulate marriage?" None, I should reply. "Or against those of us
who regulate the system of nurture and education of children in
which you were trained? Were not the laws, who have the charge of
this, right in commanding your father to train you in music and
gymnastic?" Right, I should reply. "Well, then, since you were brought
into the world and nurtured and educated by us, can you deny in the
first place that you are our child and slave, as your fathers were
before you? And if this is true you are not on equal terms with us;
nor can you think that you have a right to do to us what we are
doing to you. Would you have any right to strike or revile or do any
other evil to a father or to your master, if you had one, when you
have been struck or reviled by him, or received some other evil at his
hands?- you would not say this? And because we think right to
destroy you, do you think that you have any right to destroy us in
return, and your country as far as in you lies? And will you, O
professor of true virtue, say that you are justified in this? Has a
philosopher like you failed to discover that our country is more to be
valued and higher and holier far than mother or father or any
ancestor, and more to be regarded in the eyes of the gods and of men
of understanding? also to be soothed, and gently and reverently
entreated when angry, even more than a father, and if not persuaded,
obeyed? And when we are punished by her, whether with imprisonment
or stripes, the punishment is to be endured in silence; and if she
leads us to wounds or death in battle, thither we follow as is
right; neither may anyone yield or retreat or leave his rank, but
whether in battle or in a court of law, or in any other place, he must
do what his city and his country order him; or he must change their
view of what is just: and if he may do no violence to his father or
mother, much less may he do violence to his country." What answer
shall we make to this, Crito? Do the laws speak truly, or do they not?
Cr. I think that they do.
Soc. Then the laws will say: "Consider, Socrates, if this is true,
that in your present attempt you are going to do us wrong. For,
after having brought you into the world, and nurtured and educated
you, and given you and every other citizen a share in every good
that we had to give, we further proclaim and give the right to every
Athenian, that if he does not like us when he has come of age and
has seen the ways of the city, and made our acquaintance, he may go
where he pleases and take his goods with him; and none of us laws will
forbid him or interfere with him. Any of you who does not like us
and the city, and who wants to go to a colony or to any other city,
may go where he likes, and take his goods with him. But he who has
experience of the manner in which we order justice and administer
the State, and still remains, has entered into an implied contract
that he will do as we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we
maintain, thrice wrong: first, because in disobeying us he is
disobeying his parents; secondly, because we are the authors of his
education; thirdly, because he has made an agreement with us that he
will duly obey our commands; and he neither obeys them nor convinces
us that our commands are wrong; and we do not rudely impose them,
but give him the alternative of obeying or convincing us; that is what
we offer and he does neither. These are the sort of accusations to
which, as we were saying, you, Socrates, will be exposed if you
accomplish your intentions; you, above all other Athenians." Suppose I
ask, why is this? they will justly retort upon me that I above all
other men have acknowledged the agreement. "There is clear proof,"
they will say, "Socrates, that we and the city were not displeasing to
you. Of all Athenians you have been the most constant resident in
the city, which, as you never leave, you may be supposed to love.
For you never went out of the city either to see the games, except
once when you went to the Isthmus, or to any other place unless when
you were on military service; nor did you travel as other men do.
Nor had you any curiosity to know other States or their laws: your
affections did not go beyond us and our State; we were your especial
favorites, and you acquiesced in our government of you; and this is
the State in which you begat your children, which is a proof of your
satisfaction. Moreover, you might, if you had liked, have fixed the
penalty at banishment in the course of the trial-the State which
refuses to let you go now would have let you go then. But you
pretended that you preferred death to exile, and that you were not
grieved at death. And now you have forgotten these fine sentiments,
and pay no respect to us, the laws, of whom you are the destroyer; and
are doing what only a miserable slave would do, running away and
turning your back upon the compacts and agreements which you made as a
citizen. And first of all answer this very question: Are we right in
saying that you agreed to be governed according to us in deed, and not
in word only? Is that true or not?" How shall we answer that, Crito?
Must we not agree?
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